Xiaojun Li
@nujoaixil
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Associate Professor @UBCPoliSci | PhD @Stanford | Postdoc @Harvard | Former Fellow @CWPColumbia @EastWestCenter @ISEAS
Vancouver, British Columbia
Joined August 2012
New #OpenAccess paper in @cjip_journal. We used four waves of surveys in China to document both continuity and change in Chinese public opinions on US-China relations across two US elections (2020-2024). https://t.co/sNYwehTaU6
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The Call for Paper for the 2026 APSA Chinese Politics Mini-Conference is now out! Please submit your abstract by December 14 using this link: https://t.co/1ZFtWXLQrh
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Who do citizens in the two leading #AI powers trust to participate in the global governance of #artificial_intelligence? Check out my latest paper, #OpenAccess from Global Policy: https://t.co/emFMaM5dDn
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Revisiting our 2021 study on Canada–U.S. trade disputes: Canadians are more likely to boycott U.S. goods when peer pressure, U.S. retaliation, and elite cues are present. Still very much in play today. Check out the paper #OpenAccess: https://t.co/mSC4INgwHO
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Key finding #4: US experience (study, work, or family) is associated with more favorable assessments of the USA across nearly every dimension, but this does not come at the expense of confidence in China, suggesting a more pluralistic worldview.
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Key finding #3: A broad and stable public consensus on China’s global economic ascendancy and substantial support for China's global leadership, resilient to leadership changes in the USA and fluctuations in bilateral relations. https://t.co/sNYwehTaU6
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Key finding #2: Chinese public opinion toward the USA is responsive to American leadership changes and observable shifts in US policy rather than adhering to fixed ideological positions. https://t.co/sNYwehTaU6
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Key finding #1: A growing segment of the Chinese public views the bilateral relationship as locked in a prolonged and predictable rivalry, one that is neither improving nor likely to worsen further. https://t.co/sNYwehTaU6
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This seems to confirm our finding that users of digital and social media are less hostile toward China: legacy media may amplify threat narratives while digital platforms expose users to more everyday experiences abroad. https://t.co/VHziz6iYei
A record-low 28% of Americans trust the media a great deal or fair amount to report the news fully, accurately and fairly.
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Today is #UBC Giving Day and my department is building our Political Science Student Learning Fund to support student research, travel, and experiential learning. See more about our fund at:
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New paper in the @JEAS_journal with Songying Fang and @soyounglee37. Free to read #OpenAccess: https://t.co/OKgXlHoFBR
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Join us @NYUAbuDhabi #AbuDhabi this May! Call for Papers: #Politics and #Technology in Non-Democratic Contexts. Submit your abstract or full paper to https://t.co/fAfFNKi9Lq. Submission deadline Feb 21.
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Call for Papers for the 2025 Chinese Politics Mini-Conference is now open. Please submit your abstract using this Google Form by December 17: https://t.co/gQb8EGc5eW Please forward this call to anyone that might be interested.
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Sharing a new paper #OpenAccess published by China: An International Journal. My coauthor is a childhood friend of 30+ years since the sixth grade, now a law professor @LancasterUni. https://t.co/0M3gsTheik
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In my #OpenAccess paper with Weiyi Shi and @BoliangZhu ( https://t.co/wkElABwfRz) in 2018, we documented similar biases using four list experiments. We proposed further assessment of this issue in future research, so it is good to see this new paper out.
Again an important study by Erin and Bret Carter @chinaquarterly that folks should read
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Replications of the experiment in the United States under President Biden and United Kingdom offers external validity for our findings, which may have important implications for the future of the liberal international order. (4/)
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Our results show that when the judge is Chinese, there is a strong and robust dampening of Americans’ perceptions of the ICJ’s legitimacy, with no comparable effect arising when the judge is from other countries, including Russia. (3/)
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We test this argument using a survey experiment in the United States under President Trump, where we manipulate the nationality of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) judge who casts a tie-breaking vote against the United States. (2/)
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