July 13 in Kashmir: On Federalised Historiography and the Silent Challenge to Federalism Zaid Deva✍️ https://t.co/izzrMgDLXw

Grateful to @SanaShah65 and @sidsaxenaa for their very helpful feedback on an earlier draft.

On the problems with the Supreme Court’s reliance on history to justify the abrogation of Article 370, my piece for the @scobserver:

“… [the Court] has put its stamp of approval on the silencing, and rendering inconsequential, of the voice of the people of the former State of J&K.” @deva_zaid’s piece about the Supreme Court’s judgement on Article 370 published in today’s edition of The Hindu.

Must read from @BurhanMajid:

#NewScholarship: In this article, @deva_zaid highlights the significance of the J&K Constituent Assembly Debates for constitutional interpretation. https://t.co/oYP7PhotfX

For those working on constitution-making in J&K, the J&KCAD are available online once again thanks to the wonderful people @LAOT_Blog

In #MPIL Research Paper No. 2021-08 @AJrGolia & Gunther Teubner offer a comprehensive systematisation of #societal #constitutionalism, outlining its theoretical background, its analytical & normative tenets, and addressing competing approaches & criticism https://t.co/12EMnMVKPY

the lesser one that he was more popular than the main leader who had outlived his utility.' (2/2) - Syed Mir Qasim, former Chief Minister of J&K in his autobiography.

'This it does by projecting a lesser leader as an alternative with the help of a two-way overt or covert campaign – one, by convincing the targeted leader that his position was unassailable and the lesser leader was conspiring against him; and second, by telling (1/2)

In this response piece to @deva_zaid 's article in the @IndianLawReview, @mutahharamin stresses upon the importance of the fact that this paper makes possible a radical re-imagination of the Indo-Kashmir constitutional relationship. https://t.co/CDyVvfYYyP

As part of #NewScholarship, we are discussing @deva_zaid's paper in the @IndianLawReview's vol.4(2), which argues that the autonomous status of J&K inheres in the State because its constituent assembly designed its constitutional relationship w/ the Union

I preferred spending time on my birthday with those I loved the most. Children because they were the future of India.

The idea of justice in Kashmir has been reduced to the return of bodies. Body returned is justice delivered. From unnamed graves to unknown graveyards: Kashmir's trajectory is a moral question and should give sleepless nights to thinkers.

Modi government sparks language anxieties in Jammu and Kashmir – and fears of Hindi imposition https://t.co/xre36oBHiu “Historically and culturally, Hindi is not the language of any community in Jammu and Kashmir.” A report by @safwatzgr.

a formal merger, a constituent assembly’s sanction would be required; and ii) after dissolution of the CA, only amendments made to the Indian Constitution could be extended to J&K by employing Article 368 (of the Indian constitution as applicable to J&K). (3/3)

to govern the relationship once the J&K CA was convened, I show how the Presidential Order of 1954 departs from the entire scheme of clauses 1 and 2. Finally, I argue why the 2019 Orders ought to be set aside: i) the J&K CA ratified the state’s accession to India, to effect (2/3)

My article on J&K’s constitutional relationship to India published today in Vol. 4(2) of @IndianLawReview. Here I show how J&K’s accession differed from the mergers and accessions of the rest of the princely states. Following A G Noorani’s argument that Article 370 ceased (1/3)

'It is, therefore, difficult not to conclude that Justice Mishra was determined to prevent the question “Who really killed Haren Pandya?” from ever surfacing again.' https://t.co/Lpa1jpKKZM