Hace una década, con
@arlopezpedreros
se nos ocurrió poner a circular nuevas historias de Colombia en inglés. Estábamos hartos de la invisibilidad del país en los EEUU, donde se cocinan muchas de las políticas q nos han hecho uno de los laboratorios del imperio en el mundo 🧶
THEY ARE OUT!!!
We know they are expensive and can’t wait to have the more affordable paperback editions next year. In the meantime, a series of threads (1 of 11) on the content for you to get a taste of the two volumes and ask your library to buy them 🧵📚
@MJDuzan
@estoescambio
“En abril de 1978, cuando el programa 60 minutos, de la CBS, filtró el informe que Peter Bourne le escribió a Carter al
término de su visita a Bogotá y en el que comprometía a Turbay y a otros políticos con el tráfico de drogas […] 🧵 (1 de 3) …
@MJDuzan
@estoescambio
“ … y acusaron a Bourne y a la prensa internacional de tratar de manchar la imagen de Colombia en el mundo.”
… y 46 años después seguimos en las mismas
@MJDuzan
.
El capítulo 5 da muchas luces para entender el contexto amplio, más allá del escándalo y las “revelaciones”.
Now, volume 2 (6 of 11) 🧵
As historians, we believe that it is impossible to write histories of the present without being in close conversation with colleagues from other disciplines. Thus, this volume fully embraces inter- and multi-disciplinary approaches.
@RamiroBejaranoG
@RamiroBejaranoG
nadie ha hecho más trabajo de archivo en Colombia y en EEUU en el tema del narcotráfico q
@EduardoSaenzRov
. La biblioteca de Jimmy Carter la conoce al dedillo y en persona 🧵 (1 de 2) …
Recién graduada de la universidad me fui con un grupo de amigas a probar suerte a Israel. Más de 20 años después, una reflexión desde la historia del horror q nos une:
@RamiroBejaranoG
@EduardoSaenzRov
@estoescambio
¿Alguna vez se ha encerrado semanas en un archivo presidencial a buscar como hormiga migajas de información y armar el rompecabezas? El desprecio por el trabajo académico del q los periodistas se benefician solo habla de la superficialidad de su análisis.
@MJDuzan
@estoescambio
“López Michelsen y el establecimiento liberal cerraron filas para protegerlo, desacreditaron la noticia con el argumento de que era una «campaña infame» que buscaba socavar los esfuerzos de Colombia para detener un problema que tenía sus raíces en los Estados Unidos … (2 de 3)”
For those following this thread (3 of 11) of Histories of Colombia:
Part 3 offers analyses of power struggles over the conditions of citizenship during the 1920s and 1930s, when various sectors questioned understandings of who belonged to the nation and the role of the state.
… back on this series of threads on Histories of Colombia after a little break to present the two volumes IRL to the students and colleagues of the Latin American Studies program, LAS, at Western Washington University.
And then comes Part 4 of this thread 🧵 (4 of 11) on Histories of Colombia:
Titled Inventing Development, Part 4 explores the entangled web of projects, agents, representations, material conditions, and fetishes that paved the way for the developmental state.
Ana Otero-Cleves illustrates how nineteenth-century peasants, laborers, market women, small merchants, and small landholders engaged in consumerism as a practice of citizenship, reshaping liberal principles of “material and moral progress of the nation.”
@RamiroBejaranoG
@EduardoSaenzRov
Muchos de los documentos desclasificados q
@estoescambio
y sus periodistas de escritorio se ufanan de haber analizado están desclasificados porque él lleva décadas diligenciando FOIAs. Por cierto, ¿sabe lo q es un FOIA?
And next, in Histories of Colombia (8 of 11) 🧵 comes Part 3, Unpacking Drug Trafficking, a section that offers examples of a wide range of methods used today to study drug trafficking in the country that is one of the world's main producers of illegal narcotics and stimulants.
To conclude on Vol. 1 (5 of 11) 🧵: Part 5, Subverting Orders examines the “particularly ferocious dialectic linking reformist and revolutionary projects for social change and national development” that characterized the Cold War in Colombia during the National Front (1958-1974).
… and here comes part 4 of volume 2 in this series on Histories of Colombia (9 of 11) 🧵:
Titled Watching the Media, this section analyzes the competing roles of cultural and media production in shaping a neoliberal public sphere.
@arlopezpedreros
@FattAlx
@catalina_uribe
@CantoRodado
💯 Y todos descubriendo el fuego con los documentos de los gringos cuando muchos colombianos ya habíamos atado cabos, analizado y publicado al respecto usando el acervo documental q existe, q va más allá de cualquier documento gringo. Pero la gracia es el escándalo.
A comienzos de 2020, justo antes de la pandemia y el encierro, firmamos contrato con
@RoutledgeHist
y nos embarcamos en la quijotada de publicar dos volúmenes q reunieran algunos de los trabajos más recientes sobre nuestro pasado y presente 🧶
More on volume 2 (7 of 11), and its critique of what it means to live under neoliberalism 🧵:
Part 2, Surveying the Territorial State, further elaborates on the logic behind some of the Colombian neoliberal state practices and the grassroots responses to them.
In this series of 🧵 (10 of 11) here is part 5 of volume 2, Revisiting the Armed Conflict, a section that take us to three battlegrounds to explain how local actors negotiated possibilities achieving positions of leadership either resisting or administering violence.
"La bonanza de la marihuana contribuyó a la formación del Estado colombiano" … Gracias Camilo Garzón y la Silla Vacía por ponernos a pensar sobre nuestros mitos y tabúes 🌿🌿🌿🌿🌿🌿🌿🌿🌿🌿
@CantoRodado
Exacto, ambos exploramos con lupa la Biblioteca Presidencial Jimmy Carter en Atlanta y otros archivos en EEUU y Colombia, incluida prensa. Casi nada fue secreto. Al contrario, fue un gran escándalo q casi le cuesta la presidencia a López Michelsen. Nos negamos a tener memoria:
@TimothyLorek
@aalvarezgallo
,
@mmfajardoh
, and
@JimenaHurtado
examine why Colombia did not follow the recipe of the CEPAL, and found answers in president Carlos Lleras Restrepo (1966–1970) and the “fragile and volatile political and social environment in the aftermath of la Violencia.”
@mapalarozo
Solitude, as Fanon conceptualized it and García Márquez popularized it, is the emotional legacy of colonialism, of the invisibility of subaltern lives in the victorious narrative, a perceived state of isolation due to “a lack of conventional means to render our lives believable.”
@arlopezpedreros
@franzhensel
(4/4) Franz Hensel-Riveros challenges the consensus that Gran Colombia’s officers and legislators were mere “Europeanizers.” They worked to construct “a colossal republic,” a continental America, with their postcolonial debates about universal emancipation.
(1/4) Part one of Histories of Solitude (Imagining the Republic) invites us to deprovincialize early Colombia by analyzing three actors that played key roles in envisioning a nation-state, while participating in global political, intellectual, scientific, and diplomatic vanguards
@arlopezpedreros
Historian
@SharikaCrawfo17
takes us to the San Andrés archipelago to examine how islanders use the term Raizal to resist “Colombianization,” legitimize demands for ethnic rights and political self-determination, and defend their Creole language and other cultural practices.
Communication scholar Diego Cortés focuses on community radio stations, such as the Catholic Acción Cultural Popular Radio Sutatenza (ACPO) and others, in the Cauca region since the 1970s as social spaces for the articulation of “modern indigeneity” and hybrid identities.
@arlopezpedreros
@franzhensel
The opening chapter by James E. Sanders demonstrates that indigenous peasants, ex-slave tenant farmers, and urban artisans quickly understood that the colonial, monarchical, and feudal world they had inhabited had died, and rapidly became fluent in the language of republicanism.
@arlopezpedreros
@franzhensel
(3/4) In contrast, Nancy Appelbaum examines urban elites to inquire about the origins of the pervasive trope of país de regiones (country of regions) and the tools of “geographic imagining,” nineteenth-century intellectuals used to create regions out of racialized stereotypes.
@CantoRodado
La revista más influyente de EEUU, Time, le dio portada a Colombia a raíz de esta serie de escándalos, aunque no profundizó en los vínculos entre narcos y políticos. Meses antes el periódico francés, Le Monde Diplomatique, hecho la denuncia. Hasta El Tiempo tradujo lo publicado:
@EduardoSaenzR
@arlopezpedreros
Curators Santiago Rueda and Harold Ortiz explore “narco phenomena” in art, architecture, fashion, music, and culture in a collective exercise of memory that situates indigenous peoples, underground urban cultures, and counterhegemonic artistic circles at center stage.
Communication scholar Catalina Uribe Rincón examines how the print media created an “accidental persona” from the real Pablo Escobar. Media routines, rather than “any preconceived plan or strategy,” breathed life to two versions of Escobar, which are still alive, so to speak.
@arlopezpedreros
Anthropologist Mara Viveros scrutinizes neoliberal multiculturalism through biographical accounts of Afro-Colombian men and women. She argues that by making upward mobility possible for some, multiculturalism has attained a degree of consent, while reinforcing structural racism.
Thus, the opening chapter tackles the paradigms behind such assumptions.
Part 1, Identifying Multiculturalism, opens with an interview that philosopher, sociologist, and political scientist William Mina conducted with legendary intellectual Manuel Zapata Olivella in 2001.
@mapalarozo
Perplexity is a state of puzzlement and alienation that surfaces when one is confronted with deep changes or at an impasse, an “epistemic emotion” that can be either paralyzing or a catalyst for transformation.
See Helen De Cruz’s essay, Midwest Studies in Philosophy 45 (2021).
Last, Estefanía Ciro
@CantoRodado
offers a detailed ethnographic work that centers the analysis of the armed conflict on the War on Drugs by “listening to the lives of cocaleras” of the Caquetá region on the “triad” of oppression they endured.
@mapalarozo
They also condense the spirit of our invitation to revisit major narratives, that is, the “solitude” of nation-state formation that we examine in Volume 1, and the “perplexity” of the neoliberal turn that we study in Volume 2.
@CantoRodado
@CantoRodado
Together, the chapters analyze the internal conflict beyond armed confrontations, to examine the nuts and bolts of everyday life in war zones.
Recién graduada de la universidad me fui con un grupo de amigas a probar suerte a Israel. Más de 20 años después, una reflexión desde la historia del horror q nos une:
Historian
@EduardoSaenzR
revisits Colombian and U.S. declassified documents on president César Gaviria’s (1990–1994) neoliberal agenda and the U.S.-financed hunt for Pablo Escobar, revealing how crucial anti-narcotic policies were in the consolidation of neoliberalism in Colombia
@EduardoSaenzR
@arlopezpedreros
The shared ethics and aesthetics of narcotrafficking and neoliberalism are the central themes of a series of conversations in this section’s final chapter.
@arlopezpedreros
In conversation with Mina, Zapata Olivella models how to embrace an abigarrada—motley—reality, imagines a different humanity, and materializes an alternative conception of freedom other than the individualistic version of the dominant Western epistemology.
Juan Fernando Velásquez analyzes the first “anti-noise wave” of the 1920s, when elites and municipal governments adapted scientific discourses about hygiene into “anti-noise laws,” transforming “noise abatement into an arena of social control and discipline of the citizens.”
@irmalon
@MJDuzan
@estoescambio
@CIA
Con “seguimos en las mismas” me refería a q el establecimiento sigue cerrando filas para proteger a los suyos y negando q el agua moja.
Por otro lado, q no se nos olvide q mientras la DEA perseguía a los narcos en Colombia, la CIA traficaba con ellos en Centro América.
Francisco A. Ortega examines the exclusion of indigenous peoples from the country’s polity, and shows how indigenous communities resisted to a “civilizing” education, the dismantling of collective lands, and the subjugation of ethnic authorities to municipal officials.
The titles evoke a conversation that Marco Palacios and Frank Safford had when they were crafting their book in the late 1990s. An anecdote between two seasoned historians inspired us to unpack the canons through which Colombia has been read and interpreted.
@mapalarozo
@arlopezpedreros
@SharikaCrawfo17
Last, anthropologists Diana Bocarejo and Carlos del Cairo analyze how multiculturalism has reshaped class-based identities as well. They focus on Zonas de Reserva Campesina (Peasant Reserve Zones) to illustrate the political disputes between campesino movements and the state.
@oxcalvo
@OrlandoDeavilaP
shows how community development did not solely masqueraded U.S. hard power or the National Front’s oligarchic rule. Looking at Cartagena, he analyzes how neighbors created a vision of democracy as protest, public assembly, direct-action, and social justice.
Last, media theorist Héctor Fernández L’Hoeste examines official efforts under “the orange economy” model to give musical culture new meanings, and casts light on the ideas of inclusion behind a “more quantifiable manner” of appreciating the country’s musical patrimony.
@MajaVelez
@Ed_Uniandes
@CesedUniandes
Asi es querida
@MajaVelez
, casi todas esas leyes respondían a obligaciones internacionales q adquiría Colombia al ratificar legislaciones internacionales prohibicionistas. Pero también había mucho de moralismo católico propio.
@amoterocleves
Te lo acabo de mandar por WhatsApp. Por aquí no se pueden enviar PDFs?
Y para quien sea q le interese, aquí pantallazo (es solo 3 páginas):
@mapalarozo
Both terms encapsulate the sensibilities that historians and social scientists have to work through when looking for categories to decipher the realities of the postcolonial societies we seek to understand.
In it, we examine the last quarter of the twentieth century and first decades of the new millennium when national life transformed in unexpected ways and Colombia became a “failed nation,” and a “failed state” with little to teach beyond serving as a cautionary tale.
Part 2 of Histories of Solitude, titled Building a Public Sphere, sheds light on how different social groups claimed their place within the nation through key institutions of democratic rule such as the legislature, the educational system, and the domestic market. 🧵
Anthropologist and documentary filmmaker Alex Fattal critically reflects on photojournalist Jesús Abad Colorado’s role of documenting the silenced horrors of war and his partnership with the religious left, which enabled him to become “a spokesperson for collective struggles.”
@arlopezpedreros
The next two chapters continue exploring how multiculturalism is not merely an act of camouflage to disguise the realities of neoliberalization but a common “language of contention” used by various actors when engaging with the state.
@EduardoSaenzR
Anthropologist Alejandro Ulloa Sanmiguel illuminates the connection Cali-New York through the salsa music industry, the cocaine export business, and the dynamics of migration, and the new notions of entrepreneurial individualism that granted legitimacy to this economic activity.
Next, Francisco Gutiérrez studies the paramilitary regime of Hernán Giraldo in the SNSM as a case of “coercive brokerage,” which despite being “brutal and extraordinary,” was “intrinsically unstable,” due to the impossibility to “align the central concerns of key coalitions.”
@arlopezpedreros
@catmuno
Francisco Flórez, George Palacios, and Ana Milena Rhenals analyze how and why black intellectuals read Vasconcelos’ Cosmic Race (1925) through a “blackening filter,” understanding mestizaje not as a strategy of whitening and assimilation but as a device for political mobilization
Part 1 and Part 2 invite us to question discourses on the fragmentation, regionalism, parochialism, legalistic culture, backwardness, and isolation that we still identify as defining
features of Colombia. They are historical constructs resulting from 19th-century power struggles.
@RogueChieftan
🤔 I don’t think is so simple. For a great discussion about it in the case of the Caribbean: Melanie J. Newton, “Returns to a Native Land: Indigeneity and Decolonization in the Anglophone Caribbean,” Small Axe 17:2 (July 2013): 108-122.
The ideal of the small farmer, and his role in a modern economy is the topic of the next chapter by
@TimothyLorek
. His work explores the history of the Liberal Republic’s farm schools in Valle del Cauca seeking a “robust, diversified, and self-sufficient agricultural sector.”
@oxcalvo
@OrlandoDeavilaP
Last,
@lucho_van
analyzes generations of activists and intellectuals who articulated “diverse, heterodox, sometimes radical, ideas about social and political change” and human rights questioning the notion of state violence as a precondition for development and democracy.
@VickyDavilaH
Difícil saber si esta lista de imprecisiones y falacias es adrede o simple y pura ignorancia. Leer este trino es como retroceder un siglo, cuando comenzó de manera sistemática la satanización mediática de la yerba.
@ursus_on_bike
Ese es precisamente el objetivo: q las historias de Colombia en inglés se actualicen y estén a la par con la originalidad, la creatividad y la diversidad de perspectivas de lo q publicamos dentro de Colombia en castellano. A ver si dejamos de estar tan solos y tan perplejos!
@oxcalvo
examines the social technologies that the state put in place to adapt the civil and military cooperation schemes of U.S. aid programs as instruments of governance. He demonstrates that the country was a laboratory for “a tamed revolution.”
@GustavoBolivar
@petrogustavo
En serio
@GustavoBolivar
? Inadmisible! Nada aquí es revelación. Todo se sabía hace rato. Es obligación de un político de su nivel educarse sobre nuestra historia reciente. Es mucho lo q hay escrito sobre el tema. Vergonzoso este trino!
@arlopezpedreros
Catalina Muñoz examines how popular demands for “access to culture as a right” challenged the Liberal Republic (1930–46) to break with paternalistic conceptions of popular culture, and prompted the creation of an unprecedented state apparatus for cultural management.
🧵 Susana Romero highlights the centrality of credit policy in the Liberal Republic’s reformist agenda. She argues that this form of state interventionism had ideological roots in the Catholic Church’s social action doctrine, and sought to advance a narrow economic democracy.
Histories of Solitude and Histories of Perplexities are histories of democracy in Colombia. To understand democracy as a multidimensional question rather than as a final answer, we looked for a plurality of voices and narratives, and an intergenerational dialogue.