Hardcore BJP supporters or those devoid of logic (mostly, both are same) say if BJP indulged in vote chori, they would have easily won 272+ seats. Let me explain why that was not a feasible option 🧵.

The policy guarantees demand for ethanol producers like CIAN and Manas, fueling their billion-rupee growth. Farmers gain some payments, but consumers bear mileage hits and repair risks.

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CIAN Agro revenue up 30x to 523 Cr, Manas up 60% to 9591 Cr by 2024. Petrol prices rose to 95-100/L despite 20% blending. E20 cuts mileage 5-15%, risks engine damage, and insurance may not cover repairs in pre-2023 vehicles.

Gadkari promised in 2018 ethanol would cut petrol to 55/L, diesel to 50/L. In 2023, he claimed a 15/L equivalent. Reality: Prices rose from 70-80/L in 2014 to 95-100/L in 2025, despite 20% blending. Ethanol costs 71/L, often more than petrol.

Insurance complications: Policies exclude “wrong fuel use.” Insurers may deny E20 damage claims in incompatible cars, treating it as misuse. The government claims no impact on validity, but no mandatory coverage leaves owners vulnerable.

Consumers face issues: E20 causes 5-15% mileage drops (16 kmpl to 14 kmpl), engine corrosion, injector clogs, overheating in pre-2023 vehicles. A Supreme Court PIL notes engines suffering and rising repair bills.

Gadkari’s push sped up E20 blending to 2025, though it’s not his ministry. Company filings show growth tied to policy-driven demand, raising questions about potential conflicts of interest as family firms benefit.

Sarang Gadkari manages Manas Agro Industries, another ethanol giant. Revenue rose from 5990 Cr in 2021 to 9591 Cr in 2024, up 60%. Operating revenue exceeds 500 Cr in FY2024. Together, these firms supply millions of liters to the government.

Nikhil Gadkari leads CIAN Agro Industries, an ethanol producer. Revenue jumped from 18 Cr to 523 Cr in a year (Q1FY26), a 30x rise. Profits hit 52 Cr. Stock soared from 40 to 668, a 1570% gain. Over 5 years, the company grew 22x. Market cap now 2061 Cr.

Nitin Gadkari pushes ethanol blending in petrol as the “fuel of the future.” His sons Nikhil and Sarang run ethanol companies that have grown significantly. Is this policy benefiting their businesses over consumers? Here’s the data. 🧵.

The improbability of one house hosting 947 voters, combined with family clustering and demographic inconsistencies, strongly suggests these are not genuine voters but entries designed to manipulate electoral outcomes.

This scale of manipulation could cover the loss of voters due to dissatisfaction with previous work or ruling party and small vote swings can determine the winner.

These 947 voters, assumed fraudulent for NDA’s benefit, could yield 500 to 700 votes at 70 to 80 percent turnout, potentially shifting 0.3 to 0.5 percent of the constituency’s vote share.

In the 2020 Bihar Assembly election, the NDA won Barachatti by a margin of 6318 votes with a 60.75 percent turnout, indicating a competitive seat where fraudulent voters could significantly influence outcomes.

The dominant Paswan surname, common among Scheduled Castes, and Sao/Saw surnames, tied to Other Backward Classes, appear frequently, but their concentration under one address does not align with caste-based settlement patterns in villages like Nidani.

In rural Bihar, voter lists sometimes use approximate house numbers due to informal addressing, but 947 voters under one number far exceeds typical errors, pointing to systematic inflation rather than a legitimate residential grouping.

Age distribution includes elderly voters like Jagheshwari Devi aged 104 and Mateshwari Devi aged 97, down to younger ones like Lovely Kumari aged 18. This range, averaging around 70 for early entries, is inconsistent with a single household’s age diversity.

Demographic analysis shows a male skew at 55.5 percent versus 44.5 percent females, slightly above Bihar’s average female voter share of 48 percent, suggesting possible selective registration not reflective of a single household’s composition.

Nidani, a small village in Mohanpur tehsil, likely has 500 to 2000 households based on Gaya district’s rural demographics. Assigning 947 voters to one house number defies standard enumeration practices, which usually distribute voters across multiple addresses.

The improbability of 947 voters residing at one address in a rural village like Nidani is stark. Typical rural Bihar households have 5 to 7 members, making it physically implausible for a single house to accommodate such a large number of individuals.

This voter list, published on August 1 2025 for the special intensive revision with a qualifying date of July 1 2025, places the polling station at Middle School Nidani in Mohanpur tehsil, Gaya district, PIN 824231, raising concerns about voter list integrity.