Dear colleagues and friends, .I am delighted to share with you that my latest book on #US 🇺🇲 #China 🇨🇳 relations has just been published with @BrisUniPress. This one in particular, seeks to contribute to the emerging debate on the #NewColdWar 🧵⬇️.

RT @warstudies: Dr Sarah Tzinieris & @MultipolarOrder analyse "order-engineering," exploring AUKUS's role in shaping deterrence, military p….

RT @KCLSecurity: Dr Sarah Tzinieris & @MultipolarOrder analyse "order-engineering," exploring AUKUS's role in shaping deterrence, military….

RT @DSD_Kings: Dr Sarah Tzinieris & @MultipolarOrder analyse "order-engineering," exploring AUKUS's role in shaping deterrence, military pr….

RT @DSD_Kings: How can Europe balance urgent defence needs with complex cooperation?. @Bence_Nemeth argues that time, not funding, is the k….

More on bloc thinking from Macron, similarly to his Sorbonne speech 2024.

The #Kiel Canal 🇩🇪, a "secondary chokepoint" that connects the Baltic and North seas, and the world's busiest artificial waterway, a few miles from the Institute for Security Policy Kiel University (ISPK), which I visited last week.

"If the United States were to limit its zone of domination to its backyard and a set of allies and partners in Europe and Asia, Russia and China would likely find it quite acceptable. But Washington’s gaze is turning out to be much broader.".

Joint Air Power Competence Centre, near the German-Dutch border, along the Rhine River

Sarah Tzinieris, @BonavitaMauro & myself published a paper titled "Cooperative or clubbish? AUKUS 🇭🇲🇬🇧🇺🇸 order-engineering and 🇪🇺 normative power in the #IndoPacific" in the Asia Europe Journal, for a special issue on the liberal order & the Indo-Pacific⬇️.

RT @USFPgroup: Our 17th Annual Conference is taking place on September 5-6, 2025, at @ucl in London!. Main theme: "🇺🇸 foreign policy in the….

RT @USFPgroup: The 17th edition of our annual conference will be announced shortly. stay tuned!!.

🇺🇸's goal is not to sever ties w. 🇪🇺 but obtain more concessions to further its "off-shore balancing" strategy. I emphasized that Trump is not an "aberration" of US 🇺🇸 grand strategy, but the latest manifestation of a frustration evident since the first GW Bush administration.

The evidence was written on March 14, but its argument is still valid. Drawing from the insights of the first Trump Administration as examined in my 📖 and considering that Trump's second mandate has just begun, I posited that Trump is engaging in a form of bluffing.

My written evidence on "The 🇬🇧’s future relationship with the 🇺🇸" was published by the Int. Rel. & Defence @HouseofCommons @UKParliament w. the title "The 2nd #Trump administration: new aggressive negotiating tactics, same strategic objectives” ⬇️

Our paper "The Five Eyes Allies and China: Assessing Threat Perceptions and Power Dynamics" is out in @jcpsjournal! . It offers a granular picture of the 5👁️s 🇭🇲🇨🇦🇬🇧🇳🇿🇺🇲 perspectives of 🇨🇳 - drawing on a long list of strategic documents since 2008 processed through coding.

@marmilbr @rennavmc @ItssVerona @DSD_Kings @warstudies @lauchinainst @KCLSecurity @Unesp_Oficial.

This paper has developed out of the ten years long partnership between King's College London and the @marmilbr and we are most grateful to our colleague @rennavmc for his leadership and for having brought us together.

On the other hand, by showing the interconnectedness of security dynamics from the Indo-Pacific to the South Atlantic, the paper also highlights the flaws of compartimentalising regions in national security policies - in a world that remains centred on the maritime domain.

On the one hand, the paper challenges Western policy-makers' prioritisation of the Indo-Pacific region by drawing their attention on the centrality of the wider South Atlantic region and indirectly alluding to the securitisation of the Indo-Pacific.

In doing so, however, the paper achieves two more ambitious objectives that can also be related to China and the Indo-Pacific region more broadly.